I have what will happen to the world they know most intimately if patriar- wanted to give it to the folk I love so that they can understand better chy changes. So they find it easier to passively support male domina- this cause, this feminist politics I believe in so deeply, that is the tion even when they know in their minds and hearts that it is wrong.
Again and again men tell me they have no idea what it is feminists I have wanted them to have an answer to the question "what is want. I believe them. I believe in their capacity to change and grow. I have wanted And I believe that if they knew more about feminism they would no them to have this simple definition to read again and again so they longer fear it, for they would find in feminist movement the hope of know: "Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation, their own release from the bondage of patriarchy.
I written this short handbook, the book I have spent more than 20 love it because it so clearly states that the movement is not about be- years longing for. I had to write it because I kept waiting for it to ap- ing anti-male.
It makes it clear that the problem is sexism. And that pear, and it did not. And without it there was no way to address the clarity helps us remember that all of us, female and male, have been hordes of people in this nation who are daily bombarded with socialized from birth on to accept sexist thought and action. As a anti-feminist backlash, who are being told to hate and resist a move- consequence, females can be just as sexist as men.
And while that ment that they know very little about. There should be bill- boards; ads in magazines; ads on buses, subways, trains; television commercials spreading the word, letting the world know more about feminism.
We are not there yet. But this is what we must do to share feminism, to let the movement into everyone's mind and heart. Feminist change has already touched all our lives in a positive way.
Where We Stand When I began to resist male domination, to rebel against patri- archal thinking and to oppose the strongest patriarchal voice in my Simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploita- life - my mother's voice , I was still a teenager, suicidal, depressed, tion, and oppression. This was a definition of feminism I offered in uncertain about how I would find meaning in my life and a place for Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center more than 10 years ago. It was myself.
I needed feminism to give me a foundation of equality and my hope at the time that it would become a common definition justice to stand on. Mama has come around to feminist thinking. She everyone would use. I liked this definition because it did not imply sees me and all her daughters we are six living better lives because of that men were the enemy. By naming sexism as the problem it went feminist politics. She sees the promise and hope in feminist move- directly to the heart of the matter.
Practically, it is a definition which ment. It is that promise and hope that I want to share with you in implies that all sexist thinking and action is the problem, whether this book, with everybody.
It is also Imagine living in a world where there is no domination, where broad enough to include an understanding of systemic institutional- females and males are not alike or even always equal, but where a vi- ized sexism.
As a definition it is open-ended. To understand femi- sion of mutuality is the ethos shaping our interaction. Imagine living nism it implies one has to necessarily understand sexism. Feminist revolution alone will not create such a world; we understand sexism, or if they do, they think it is not a problem. But it will make it possi- Masses of people think that feminism is always and only about ble for us to be fully self-actualized females and males able to create women seeking to be equal to men.
And a huge majority of these beloved community, to live together, realizing our dreams of freedom folks think feminism is anti-male.
Their misunderstanding of femi- and justice, living the truth that we are all "created equal. See how feminism can touch and change your life and all our from patriarchal mass media. The feminism they hear about the lives. Come closer and know firsthand what feminist movement is all most is portrayed by women who are primarily committed to gender about.
Come closer and you will see: feminism is for everybody. They see that these women to follow. Participating in these radical freedom struggles women are usually white and materially privileged. They know from awakened the spirit of rebellion and resistance in progressive fe- mass media that women's liberation focuses on the freedom to have males and led them towards contemporary women's liberation.
As contemporary feminism progressed, as women realized that Among these issues, masses of people agree with the idea of gender males were not the only group in our society who supported sexist equity in the workplace - equal pay for equal work.
The focus shifted to an all-out effort to create gender justice. Even But women could not band together to further feminism without though masses of women have entered the workforce, even though confronting our sexist thinking. Sisterhood could not be powerful many families are headed by women who are the sole breadwinners, as long as women were competitively at war with one another. Uto- the vision of domestic life which continues to dominate the nation's pian visions of sisterhood based solely on the awareness of the real- imagination is one in which the logic of male domination is intact, ity that all women were in some way victimized by male domination whether men are present in the home or not.
The wrongminded no- were disrupted by discussions of class and race. Discussions of class tion of feminist movement which implied it was anti-male carried differences occurred early on in contemporary feminism, preceding with it the wrongminded assumption that all female space would discussions of race. Diana Press published revolutionary insights necessarily be an environment where patriarchy and sexist thinking about class divisions between women as early as the mid-'70s in their would be absent.
Many women, even those involved in feminist pol- collection of essays Class and Feminism. These discussions did not itics, chose to believe this as well. It was that anger at injustice that was the impetus for cre- dominated and exploited other women, and created a political plat- ating a women's liberation movement.
Early on most feminist activ- form that would address these differences. Often individual black women active in women in their ranks. Whether it was white women working on be- feminist movement were revolutionary feminists like many white half of socialism, black women working on behalf of civil rights and lesbians.
Even before race became a talked about issue in feminist circles olutionary feminist thinking was most accepted and embraced in it was clear to black women and to their revolutionary allies in academic circles. In those circles the production of revolutionary struggle that they were never going to have equality within the exist- feminist theory progressed, but more often than not that theory was ing white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.
It became and remains a privileged From its earliest inception feminist movement was polarized. Revolution- educated, and usually materially privileged. Works like Feminist The- ary thinkers did not want simply to alter the existing system so that ory: From Margin to Center that offer a liberatory vision of feminist women would have more rights.
We wanted to transform that sys- transformation never receive mainstream attention. Masses of peo- tem, to bring an end to patriarchy and sexism. Since patriarchal mass ple have not heard of this book. They have not rejected its message; media was not interested in the more revolutionary vision, it never they do not know what the message is. The vision of "women's lib- While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist eration" which captured and still holds the public imagination was capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking which the one representing women as wanting what men had.
And this was was not anti-male or concerned with getting women the right to be the vision that was easier to realize. Changes in our nation's econ- like men, reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces.
They ripe for our nation's citizens to accept the notion of gender equality could break free of male domination in the workforce and be more in the workforce. While sexism did not end, they Given the reality of racism, it made sense that white men were could maximize their freedom within the existing system. And they more willing to consider women's rights when the granting of those could count on there being a lower class of exploited subordinated rights could serve the interests of maintaining white supremacy.
We women to do the dirty work they were refusing to do. By accepting can never forget that white women began to assert their need for and indeed colluding with the subordination of working-class and freedom after civil rights, just at the point when racial discrimination poor women, they not only ally themselves with the existing patriar- was ending and black people, especially black males, might have at- chy and its concomitant sexism, they give themselves the right to lead tained equality in the workforce with white men.
Reformist feminist a double life, one where they are the equals of men in the workforce thinking focusing primarily on equality with men in the workforce and at home when they want to be. If they choose lesbianism they overshadowed the original radical foundations of contemporary have the privilege of being equals with men in the workforce while feminism which called for reform as well as overall restructuring of using class power to create domestic lifestyles where they can society so that our nation would be fundamentally anti-sexist.
Most women, especially privileged white women, ceased even Lifestyle feminism ushered in the notion that there could be as to consider revolutionary feminist visions, once they began to gain many versions of feminism as there were women.
Suddenly the politics economic power within the existing social structure. Ironically, rev- was being slowly removed from feminism. And the assumption pre- ,,! Obvi- ously this way of thinking has made feminism more acceptable be- cause its underlying assumption is that women can be feminists without fundamentally challenging and changing themselves or the culture. For example, let's take the issue of abortion. A woman can insist she would never A Constant Change of Heart choose to have an abortion while affirming her support of the right of women to choose and still be an advocate of feminist politics.
She Feminists are made, not born. One does not become an advocate of cannot be anti-abortion and an advocate of feminism. Concurrently feminist politics simply by having the privilege of having been born there can be no such thing as "power feminism" if the vision of female. Like all political positions one becomes a believer in feminist power evoked is power gained through the exploitation and oppres- politics through choice and action. When women first organized in sion of others.
We have those definitions. Let's re- thinking and values as males, the difference being simply that males claim them. Let's share them. Let's start over. Let's have T-shirts and benefited from sexism more than females and were as a conse- bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music, television and ra- quence less likely to want to surrender patriarchal privilege.
Before dio commercials, ads everywhere and billboards, and all manner of women could change patriarchy we had to change ourselves; we had printed material that tells the world about feminism.
We can share the to raise our consciousness. Let's start there. Let the movement begin again. Understanding the way male domination and sexism was ex- pressed in everyday life created awareness in women of the ways we were victimized, exploited, and, in worse case scenarios, oppressed. Early on in contemporary feminist movement, consciousness-raising groups often became settings where women simply unleashed pent- up hostility and rage about being victimized, with little or no focus on strategies of intervention and transformation.
It was the site where they uncovered and The creation of women's studies as an academic discipline provided openly revealed the depths of their intimate wounds. This confes- another setting where women could be informed about feminist sional aspect served as a healing ritual. Through consciousness- thinking and feminist theory. Many of the women who spearheaded raising women gained the strength to challenge patriarchal forces at the introduction of women's studies classes into colleges and uni- work and at home.
Many of them did not have doctor- women examining sexist thinking and creating strategies where we ates, which meant that they entered academic institutions receiving would change our attitudes and belief via a conversion to feminist lower pay and working longer hours than their colleagues in other thinking and a commitment to feminist politics.
Fundamentally, the disciplines. By the time younger graduate students joined the effort consciousness-raising CR group was a site for conversion. To to legitimize feminist scholarship in the academy we knew that it build a mass-based feminist movement women needed to organize.
Most of us saw our commit- The consciousness-raising session, which usually took place in ment to women's studies as political action; we were prepared to someone's home rather than public space that had to be rented or sacrifice in order to create an academic base for feminist movement.
It was the place where seasoned By the late '70s women's studies was on its way to becoming feminist thinkers and activists could recruit new converts. This triumph overshadowed the Importantly, communication and dialogue was a central agenda fact that many of the women who had paved the way for the at the consciousness-raising sessions.
In many groups a policy was institutionalization of women's studies were fired because they had in place which honored everyone's voice.
Women took turns speak- master's degrees and not doctorates. While some of us returned to ing to make sure everyone would be heard. This attempt to create a graduate school to get PhDs, some of the best and brightest among non-hierarchal model for discussion positively gave every woman a us did not because they were utterly disillusioned with the university chance to speak but often did not create a context for engaged dia- and burnt out from overwork as well as disappointed and enraged logue.
However, in most instances discussion and debate occurred, that the radical politics undergirding women's studies was being re- usually after everyone had spoken at least once. Argumentative dis- placed by liberal reformism. Before too long the women's studies cussion was common in CR groups as it was the way we sought to classroom had replaced the free-for-all consciousness-raising group.
Only through discussion and disagreement could we begin to solely as housewives or in service jobs, and big-time professional find a realistic standpoint on gender exploitation and oppression. Women with revolu- who picked up the feminist banner often betrayed the cause in their tionary feminist consciousness, many of them lesbian and from interactions with other women. Their displacement became complete crucial at the onset of the feminist movement, lost meaning as the once women's studies became entrenched in colleges and universi- terrain of radical feminist politics was overshadowed by a lifestyle- ties which are conservative corporate structures.
Once the women's based feminism which suggested any woman could be a feminist no studies classroom replaced the consciousness-raising group as the matter what her political beliefs. Needless to say such thinking has primary site for the transmission of feminist thinking and strategies undermined feminist theory and practice, feminist politics. When for social change the movement lost its mass-based potential.
The institutionalization of feminist will once again attain its original importance. Effectively imitating studies created a body of jobs both in the world of the academy and the model of AA meetings, feminist consciousness-raising groups in the world of publishing. These career-based changes led to forms will take place in communities, offering the message of feminist of career opportunism wherein women who had never been politi- thinking to everyone irrespective of class, race, or gender.
While cally committed to mass-based feminist struggle adopted the stance specific groups based on shared identities might emerge, at the end and jargon of feminism when it enhanced their class mobility. The of every month individuals would be in mixed groups. Had there been an emphasis about embracing feminist politics to become a feminist advocate. It would also feminist movement could shift to a focus on equality in the work- have preempted the formation of an anti-feminist men's movement.
With heightened focus on Often men's groups were formed in the wake of contemporary fem- the construction of woman as a "victim" of gender equality deserv- inism that in no way addressed the issues of sexism and male domi- ing of reparations whether through changes in discriminatory laws nation.
Like the lifestyle-based feminism aimed at women these or affirmative action policies the idea that women needed to first groups often became therapeutic settings for men to confront their confront their internalized sexism as part of becoming feminist lost wounds without a critique of patriarchy or a platform of resistance currency.
Females of all ages acted as though concern for or rage at to male domination. Future feminist movement will not make this male domination or gender equality was all that was needed to make mistake. Without males as allies in struggle femi- 3 nist movement will not progress. As it is we have to do so much work to correct the assumption deeply embedded in the cultural psyche that feminism is anti-male.
Feminism is anti-sexism. Sig- nificantly, the most powerful intervention made by consciousness- raising groups was the demand that all females confront their inter- nalized sexism, their allegiance to patriarchal thinking and action, When the slogan "Sisterhood is powerful" was first used, it was awe- and their commitment to feminist conversion.
That intervention is some. I began my full-fledged participation in feminist movement still needed. It remains the necessary step for anyone choosing femi- my sophomore year in college. Attending an all women's college for nist politics. The enemy within must be transformed before we can a year before I transferred to Stanford University, I knew from first- confront theenemy outside. The threat, the enemy, is sexist thought hand experience the difference in female self-esteem and self-assertion and behavior.
As long as females take up the banner of feminist poli- in same-sex classrooms versus those where males were present. At tics without addressing and transforming their own sexism, ulti- Stanford males ruled the day in every classroom.
Females spoke less, took less initiative, and often when they spoke you could hardly hear mately the movement will be undermined. Their voices lacked strength and confidence. And to make matters worse we were told time and time again by male professors that we were not as intelligent as the males, that we could not be "great" thinkers, writers, and so on. These attitudes shocked me since I had come from an all-female environment where our intellectual worth and value was constantly affirmed by the standard of academic excellence our mostly female professors set for us and themselves.
Indeed, I was indebted to my favorite white female English pro- fessor who thought I was not getting the academic guidance I needed at our women's college because they did not have an intensi- fied writing program. She encouraged me to attend Stanford. She believed that I would someday be an important thinker and writer. I began to doubt movement created the context for female bonding. We did not myself. Then feminist movement rocked the campus.
Female stu- bond against men, we bonded to protect our interests as women. Wow, it was an intense and was not because we did not like those professors we often did ; awesome time. There I took my first women's studies class with the rightly, we wanted an end to gender biases in the classroom and in writer Tillie Olsen, who compelled her students to think first and the curriculum.
The feminist transformations that were taking place in our coed There the scholar and one-day biographer of Anne Sexton, Diane college in the early '70s were taking place as well in the world of Middlebrook, passed out one of my poems in our class on contem- home and work.
First and foremost feminist movement urged fe- porary poetry with no name on it and asked us to identify whether males to no longer see ourselves and our bodies as the property of the writer was male or female, an experiment that made us think crit- men. To demand control of our sexuality, effective birth control and ically about judging the value of writing on the basis of gender bi- reproductive rights, an end to rape and sexual harassment, we needed ases.
There I began to write my first book at the age of 19, Ain't I a to stand in solidarity. In order for women to change job discrimina- Woman: Black Women and Feminism. None of these incredible trans- tion we needed to lobby as a group to change public policy. Chal- formations would have happened without feminist movement cre- lenging and changing female sexist thinking was the first step ating a foundation for solidarity between women.
We all Following in the wake of civil rights revolution feminist move- knew firsthand that we had been socialized as females by patriarchal ment in the '70s and '80s changed the face of our nation. The femi- thinking to see ourselves as inferior to men, to see ourselves as al- nist activists who made these changes possible cared for the ways and only in competition with one another for patriarchal ap- well-being of all females.
We understood that political solidarity be- proval, to look upon each other with jealousy, fear, and hatred. Feminist thinking helped us unlearn fe- common suffering. Feminist sisterhood is rooted in shared commit- male self-hatred. It enabled us to break free of the hold patriarchal ment to struggle against patriarchal injustice, no matter the form thinking had on our consciousness.
Political solidarity between women always un- Male bonding was an accepted and affirmed aspect of patriar- dermines sexism and sets the stage for the overthrow of patriarchy. It was simply assumed that men in groups would stick Significantly, sisterhood could never have been possible across the together, support one another, be team players, place the good of boundaries of race and class if individual women had not been willing the group over individual gain and recognition.
Female bonding was to divest of their power to dominate and exploit subordinated groups not possible within patriarchy; it was an act of treason. As long as women are using class or race power to domi- triarchy re-aligned themselves with sexist men. Radical women who nate other women, feminist sisterhood cannot be fully realized. And at this point feminist movement, nism in the '80s without undergoing the feminist consciousness- which was aimed at positively transforming the lives of all females, raising that would have enabled them to divest of their sexism, the became more stratified.
The vision of sisterhood that had been the patriarchal assumption that the powerful should rule over the weak rallying cry of the movement seemed to many women to no longer informed their relations to other women. As women, particularly matter. Political solidarity between women which had been the force previously disenfranchised privileged white women, began to ac- putting in place positive change has been and is now consistently un- quire class power without divesting of their internalized sexism, divi- dermined and threatened.
As a consequence we are as in need of a sions between women intensified. When women of color critiqued renewed commitment to political solidarity between women as we the racism within the society as a whole and called attention to the were when contemporary feminist movement first began.
And that was work we would need to do to make political solidarity a reality. Through experience and hard work, and, yes, by learning from our I remember when feminist women, mostly white women with failures and mistakes, we now have in place a body of theory and class privilege, debated the issue of whether or not to hire domestic shared practice that can teach new converts to feminist politics what help, trying to come up with a way to not participate in the subordi- must be done to create, sustain, and protect our solidarity.
Since nation and dehumanization of less-privileged women. Some of masses of young females know little about feminism and many those women successfully created positive bonding between them- falsely assume that sexism is no longer the problem, feminist educa- selves and the women they hired so that there could be mutual ad- tion for critical consciousness must be continuous.
Older feminist vancement in a larger context of inequality. Rather than abandoning thinkers cannot assume that young females will just acquire knowl- the vision of sisterhood, because they could not attain some utopian edge of feminism along the way to adulthood.
They require guid- state, they created a real sisterhood, one that took into account the ance. Overall women in our society are forgetting the value and needs of everyone involved. This was the hard work of feminist power of sisterhood. Renewed feminist movement must once again solidarity between women. Sadly, as opportunism within feminism raise the banner high to proclaim anew "Sisterhood is powerful. We continue the work of bonding across A large body of women simply abandoned the notion of sister- race and class.
We continue to put in place the anti-sexist thinking hood. And 4 we have the good fortune to know everyday of our lives that sister- hood is concretely possible, that sisterhood is still powerful. The women in those groups were the first to begin to create feminist theory which in- cluded both an analysis of sexism, strategies for challenging patriar- chy, and new models of social interaction.
Everything we do in life is rooted in theory. Whether we consciously explore the reasons we have a particular perspective or take a particular action there is also an underlying system shaping thought and practice. In its earliest in- ception feminist theory had as its primary goal explaining to women i and men how sexist thinking worked and how we could challenge II and change it.
In those days most of us had been socialized by parents and so- ciety to accept sexist thinking. We had not taken time to figure out the roots of our perceptions. Feminist thinking and feminist theory urged us to do that. At first feminist theory was made available by word of mouth or in cheaply put together newsletters and pam- phlets. When I was a graduate student pre- written in the '70s and published in , was produced by a small paring to write a dissertation, feminist thinking allowed me to socialist collective, South End Press, at least half of its members choose to write about a black woman writer who was not widely were feminist women, and all its members were anti-sexist.
Very little serious literary scholar- Producing a body of feminist literature coupled with the de- ship had been done on works by black women writers prior to femi- mand for the recovery of women's history was one of the most pow- nist movement. When Alice Walker acquired fame, she participated erful and successful interventions of contemporary feminism.
In all in the recovery of the work of writer Zora Neale Hurston, who spheres of literary writing and academic scholarship works by shortly became the most canonized black woman writer in Ameri- women had historically received little or no attention as a conse- can literature. Feminist movement created a revolution when it de- quence of gender discrimination.
Remarkably, when feminist move- manded respect for women's academic work, recognition of that ment exposed biases in curriculum, much of this forgotten and work past and present, and an end to gender biases in curriculum ignored work was rediscovered. The formation of women's studies and pedagogy. Following in the wake word about feminism. It offered a legitimate site for conversion by of black studies, women's studies became the place where one could providing a sustained body of open minds.
Students who attended learn about gender, about women, from a non-biased perspective. They wanted to know Contrary to popular stereotypes, professors in women's studies more about feminist thinking. And it was in those classes that many classes did not and do not trash work by men; we intervene on sexist of us awakened politically. I had come to feminist thinking by chal- thinking by showing that women's work is often just as good, as in- lenging male domination in our patriarchal household.
But simply teresting, if not more so, as work by men. So-called great literature being the victim of an exploitative or oppressive system and even re- by men is critiqued only to show the biases present in the assess- sisting it does not mean we understand why it's in place or how to ment of aesthetic value. I have never taken a women's studies course change it. My conversion to feminist politics had occurred long be- or heard about one where works by men were deemed unimportant fore I entered college, but the feminist classroom was the place or irrelevant.
Feminist critiques of all-male canons of scholarship or where I learned feminist thinking and feminist theory. And it was in literary work expose biases based on gender. Importantly, these ex- that space that I received the encouragement to think critically and posures were central to makinOg a place for the recovery of women's write about black female experience. Indeed, into the academy. No one produces this work in sistance to the notion that much of what privileged class women had academic settings.
Without abandoning women's studies programs identified as true to female experience might be flawed, but over which are already at risk at colleges and universities as conservatives time feminist theory changed. Even though many white women seek to undo the changes created by struggles for gender justice, thinkers were able to acknowledge their biases without doing the we need feminist studies that is community-based.
Imagine a mass- work of rethinking, this was still an important shift. By the late '80s based feminist movement where folks go door to door passing out most feminist scholarship reflected an awareness of race and class literature, taking the time as do religious groups to explain to peo- differences. Women scholars who were truly committed to feminist movement and feminist solidarity were eager to produce theory that ple what feminism is all about. When contemporary feminist movement was at its peak, sexist would address the realities of most women.
Books "for free chil- While academic legitimation was crucial to the advancement of dren" were written. Once we ceased being critically vigilant, the sex- feminist thought, it created a new set of difficulties.
In this short, accessible primer, bell hooks explores the nature of feminism and its positive promise to eliminate sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression. With her characteristic clarity and directness, hooks encourages readers to see how feminism can touch and change their lives—to see that feminism is for everybody.
It should be required reading for everyone. Mainstream feminists rarely talk about meeting basic needs as a feminist issue, argues Mikki Kendall, but food insecurity, access to quality education, safe neighborhoods, a living wage, and medical care are all feminist issues.
All too often, however, the focus is not on basic survival for the many, but on increasing privilege for the few. That feminists refuse to prioritize these issues has only exacerbated the age-old problem of both internecine discord and women who rebuff at carrying the title. Moreover, prominent white feminists broadly suffer from their own myopia with regard to how things like race, class, sexual orientation, and ability intersect with gender. How can we stand in solidarity as a movement, Kendall asks, when there is the distinct likelihood that some women are oppressing others?
In her searing collection of essays, Mikki Kendall takes aim at the legitimacy of the modern feminist movement, arguing that it has chronically failed to address the needs of all but a few women. Drawing on her own experiences with hunger, violence, and hypersexualization, along with incisive commentary on politics, pop culture, the stigma of mental health, and more, Hood Feminism delivers an irrefutable indictment of a movement in flux. An unforgettable debut, Kendall has written a ferocious clarion call to all would-be feminists to live out the true mandate of the movement in thought and in deed.
Offers an updated definition of feminism for the twenty-first century, one rooted in inclusion and awareness. The Politics of Everybody examines the production and maintenance of the terms 'man', 'woman', and 'other' within the current political moment; the contradictions of these categories and the prospects of a Marxist approach to praxis for queer bodies.
Few thinkers have attempted to reconcile queer and Marxist analysis. This emphasis on desire, Lewis argues, is symptomatic of the neoliberal project and has led to a continued fascination with the politics of identity. By arguing that Marxist analysis is in fact most beneficial to gender politics within the arena of body production, categorization and exclusion Lewis develops a theory of gender and the sexed body that is wedded to the realities of a capitalist political economy.
Boldly calling for a new, materialist queer theory, Lewis defines a politics of liberation that is both intersectional, transnational, and grounded in lived experience. A pioneering figure in post-modern approaches to gender, race and sexuality, her prodigious output is matched only by the scope of its concern - touching on everything from aesthetics to the politics of identity to the experience of love.
These newly re-issued classics are as inspirational as ever. A vibrantly illustrated introduction to intersectional feminism for next-generation changemakers. Who has power? Who creates the rules? How do identities intersect? This book is for everyone.
Discover the history and meaning of the feminist movement through 15 reasons why feminism improves life for everyone. By exploring who has been left out of the movement historically, this book makes sure everybody is included.
Then read on. In this new feminist classic, the focus is intersectional from the beginning, not just as an add-on. Expand what feminism means to you, your community, and society by examining these 15 themes: feminism, identity, justice, education, money, power, health, wellness, freedom, relationships, media, safety, activism and movements, innovation, and an interactive exploration of what feminism means to you.
You will close the book with an understanding that history and culture play a role in shaping systems of power and of what we can do with our strengths, community, and values to help change course when needed.
A classic work of feminist scholarship, Ain't I a Woman has become a must-read for all those interested in the nature of black womanhood. Examining the impact of sexism on black women during slavery, the devaluation of black womanhood, black male sexism, racism among feminists, and the black woman's involvement with feminism, hooks attempts to move us beyond racist and sexist assumptions.
The result is nothing short of groundbreaking, giving this book a critical place on every feminist scholar's bookshelf. Renowned visionary and theorist bell hooks began her exploration of the meaning of love in American culture with the critically acclaimed bestseller All About Love: New Visions. She continued her national dialogue with the bestselling Salvation: Black People and Love. EMBED for wordpress. Want more? Advanced embedding details, examples, and help!
Donor alibris Edition [Nachdr. Reviewer: lambina - favorite favorite favorite favorite favorite - March 3, Subject: A clear voice for equality, mutuality and interdependence Ms. Hooks provides an excellent primer for feminism that captures the essential strengths and limits of the movement over time. She asks us as members of an imperialist, capitalist patriarchy to reflect deeply not only on the very real disempowerment we all share as result of this system, but to examine our own collusion into patriarchy in our own private and public lives.
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